I think it is necessary for me to
write something, at least, on this blog, about the recent Lok Sabha elections.
After all, I was an INC
candidate, and this is my political blog….
Other than social media, my only
posts connected to the campaign have been on my poetry blog, where it is not
incumbent on one to be either comprehensive, or issue-based, or analytical, or
even earthly, even in the avatar of candidate-in-real-life. Not that this
article here promises to be any of these things.
For a politician to put out a
write-all sheaf on her blog would amount to giving whatever is left of the game
away.
Don’t get me wrong, I’m a
flag-bearer for transparency, and for the rooting out (or, in any event, the
phasing out) of corruption in all fields of activity.
And to that end, one is happy to
report that one successfully played the role of a serious Lok Sabha candidate representing
a recognized major national party without exceeding the spending-limit that the
Election Commission of India allows.
In fact, one was way below the
level of allowed expenditure, which, according to me, is a good thing. (In
retrospect, I could have allocated the received funds a bit differently, but I
suppose those are the learnings one takes away from the exercise).
One insisted that the only money
that would be received and spent should be accounted-for “white money”. This
priority, one valiantly held on to, against logistical and strategic odds and
pressures.
For those lamenting that politics
can only be played by scoundrels and crooks, one hopes that one’s valiant attempt
to prove otherwise has had some effect.
Andhra Pradesh is a state that is usually associated with unimaginably high figures for poll expenditure.
Call it naive, call it unwise, as far as I’m concerned, a beginning has been made, an example has been set. By the Indian National Congress Party, no less.
Andhra Pradesh is a state that is usually associated with unimaginably high figures for poll expenditure.
Call it naive, call it unwise, as far as I’m concerned, a beginning has been made, an example has been set. By the Indian National Congress Party, no less.
My electoral defeat had less to
do with the candidate’s budget during the campaign period, and more to do with
the timing of events. (Pertaining to the electoral process which involved
simultaneous elections for the state and centre; timing of funds; constituency-specific
factor/s such as key last-minute defections by people like my father, Kishore
Deo, who joined the TDP and also lost; and the electioneering priorities of my
own INC assembly candidates).
While this was a Lok Sabha
election, Andhra Pradesh also had simultaneous State Assembly elections.
As far as Andhra Pradesh is
concerned, I would attribute the new Chief Miniter, Jagan’s, landslide victory
to the following factors:
Mega spending by Jagan’s YSRCP
party on publicity and visibility in the run-up to the elections;
Nostalgia for the good work done
by us at the INC when Jagan’s father, YSR, who passed away in a helicopter crash
while in office (as an INC chief minister after which Jagan, a comparatively new
entrant into politics at that time, formed his own party when the INC did not
pass on the baton of chief ministership to him, the son);
Anti-incumbency against the
ruling TDP government in the state of Andhra;
No appetite at all, among the
citizenry in AP, for either Modi, or national politics, except for wanting New
Delhi to accord Andhra Pradesh Special Status after the state-division that
took place towards the end of the UPA 2 government’s tenure.
For the INC to make a come-back in
the state, the best bet would be to: be a vigilant opposition, and to do this
systematically at various fora; to not impose leaders from above, but to
support causes.
I am personally not interested at
all in entering state politics. That will not change.
In fact, if one were to look back
at one’s political work since one formally joined the INC in 1998, I think my ‘popularity’
was on an ascent till 2009. One way to have given meaning and consolidation to
that energy that had been painstakingly generated over a decade, and which was
a part of the success story of the UPA 1 and UPA 2, would have been to opt for
state-level politics.
The kind of support that one had for
some time also came from the fact that people probably hoped that I would stand
for assembly elections and retreat to Andhra since my father was intent on remaining
in Delhi, and, I suppose, on trying his luck with being made a cabinet minister (which did
happen towards the end of the UPA 2 tenure, and which, to me, was a priority
from the point of view of ensuring the proper treatment of the Forest Rights
Act that we had worked to bring about, amongst a slew of other legislation that
returned us to power in 2009…though, frankly, the relevant ministries and
consultants and others rarely heeded some of my advice in the run-up to 2014).
For the things that the INC
stands for since its inception, it is still unparalleled.
Since the new chief minister of
Andhra Pradesh, Jagan Mohan Reddy, is originally from the INC, it is hoped that
the overall approach to policy and legislation will draw from the Congress ethos.
Specifically on aspects of local
government, and how schemes are implemented at the state level, and how key
decisions are made by Gram Sabhas, it is hoped that the YSRCP will distinguish
itself from the tactics of the TDP which relies more on delegated democracy,
rather than consultative democracy. (One of the examples I use, as an expert,
to make this point, is the arbitrary basis on which the TDP had introduced the
concept of Joint Forest Management, and how we had to unravel the knottiness of
the past to eventually bring about the Forest Rights Act).
For many years, my grouse against
the YSRCP was that they supported bauxite mining in the eastern ghaats, but
that changed during the campaign, when Jagan visited the constituency and
announced his opposition to bauxite mining in Araku. We will have to watch that
space, and ensure he keeps to his word on that count.
One area in which I hope to steer
my party’s policies away from some of it’s past work is in the Power Sector. I
oppose the generation and use of civil nuclear energy, and strongly opposed plans
to set up a nuclear power plant at Kuvvada in Srikakulam District, northern Andhra
Pradesh. I think, over time, plans to put up a nuclear plant in the area have
been done away with.
I hope the YSRCP government makes
rapid moves away from civil nuclear energy, and towards offshore wind and solar
energy for the grids while strategizing how to phase out fossil fuels over time.
Five Deputy Chief Ministers have
been appointed. An unprecedented measure. One of them is the local MLA from my
area, and has been made the minister for Tribal Affairs.
While our party, the INC, continues a time-taking
effort to cleanse Indian Politics, my pro bono advisory legal work, at this
point of time, would be to attempt to ensure that appropriate affidavits are
filed before the Supreme Court, and appearances made by the relevant states and parties, to defend
the Forest Rights Act which is currently under challenge.
As far as the conducting of the
elections and the use of the EVMs is concerned, it is, indeed, worrisome to
know that there were 541 EVM replacements in my parliamentary constituency
alone.
I also have an assortment of
suggestions for the election commission on the logistical front, that I might
write about on another occasion, and which, in fact, would form a part of my
own election- result-analysis.
My personal, determined fight, supported, this time, by my party, was on the Gender Justice front.
My personal, determined fight, supported, this time, by my party, was on the Gender Justice front.
More on National Politics in my
next post!
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